Impact of Domestic Violence on Children

Impact of Domestic Violence on Children Contents Introduction Chapter 2: The impacts of domestic violence on children Chapter 3: Protecting children from domestic violence Chapter 5: The multi-agency approach to child protection Chapter 6: Policies to protect children against domestic violence Conclusions and Recommendations References Introduction This dissertation looks at domestic violence and the impacts domestic violence has on children and child protection issues. The dissertation begins with a description of domestic violence, including an estimation of the extent of the problem, illustrated with statistics. The dissertation then moves on to analyse the immediate and long-term impacts of domestic violence on children’s health, education, personality, socialising and future relationships. The dissertation then moves on to the issue of protecting children from domestic violence in terms of the child protection issues that need to be taken into consideration. The dissertation then moves on to a discussion of the role of the mother and why her socio-economic status and culture is important. Protecting the mother, in terms of protecting the child, is then discussed, in terms of whether, for example, it is best for children to live with both parents, even when there is domestic violence occurring. The dissertation then moves on to an analysis of the multi-agency approach to child protection, examining its advantages and disadvantages. The available services for children living with domestic violence are also discussed, as are the policy and legislation against domestic violence and pro child protection in the UK. Through this, the dissertation moves on to analyse the intervention strategies that are available to protect children, in terms of the extent to which prevention is possible and how. The dissertation then moves on to a critically analysis of the roles of policies, legislation, agencies and professionals in protecting children, in terms of whether the legislation enhances or hinders the effectiveness of professional intervention, and what should happen next. The dissertation ends with a conclusions and recommendations section, which provides recommendations as to how child protection can become more effective. This section presents a description of domestic violence, including an estimation of the extent of the problem, illustrated with statistics. Domestic violence, or intimate partner violence, or interpersonal partner abuse, as it is also commonly known, is a pattern of aggressive behaviours, either physical, sexual or psychological (or all three) that adult partners use against their intimate partners (Ganley, 1995). The Home Office classifies domestic violence as, â€Å"Any violence which occurs between current or former partners in an intimate relationship, wherever and whenever this violence occurs. The violence may include physical, sexual, emotional or financial abuse† (Home Office, 1998). It is known that domestic violence is mostly perpetrated by men against women victims and that it often begins, or gets worse, around pregnancy (Nicolson et al., 2006). Domestic violence is generally repetitive, in that once it has occurred once, it is likely to be repeated, either in the same manner or utilising a different form (psychological, sexual or physical), with each form of the violence interacting with the other form and causing problems for the victim(s) of the violence, who are not only the partner but also any children that may be present in the household (see Ganley, 1995). Shockingly, a high proportion of children living with domestic violence are themselves being abused, with almost 80% of the children who are on the ‘at-risk’ register coming from homes where domestic violence is known to occur (see, for example, Mullender and Morley, 1994; Department of Health, 2002). In addition, research has shown that there is a correlation between being an abusive partner and having witnessed abusive behaviour in one’s childhood (see O’Leary, 1987). In terms of the theoretical models that have been posited to explain domestic violence, social exchange theory suggests that human interactions are guided by seeking rewards and avoiding costs and punishment (see Blau, 1964), with domestic violence tending to occur when being violent does not outweigh the rewards on offer (see Gelles and Cornell, 1985; 1990). Following this reasoning, therefore, one of the ways to reduce the prevalence of domestic violence is to increase the cost attached to being a ‘batterer’ (i.e., a person who inflicts violence on an intimate partner) through, for example, creating and enforcing criminal laws against domestic violence (see Danis, 2003). Deterrence can, after all, be defined as, â€Å"the state’s ability to diminish the incidence of a prohibited action through legal threats which clearly indicate that the costs of an action would be greater than any benefits derived from it† (Dutton, 1995; p.242). Other theories suggested to explain the prevalence of domestic violence include social learning theory, which suggests that people learn to be violent through reinforcement (i.e., receiving a reward or being punished directly after an aggressive act has taken place) or through modelling (i.e., basing one’s actions on what one has witnessed) (see Bandura, 1973). As has been seen, intergenerational transmission of the behaviour that leads to domestic violence is possible and, indeed, occurs in many situations (see O’Leary, 1987 and Mihalic and Elliott, 1997). On this basis, many ‘batterers’ are treated, attempting to reverse the behaviour that leads to domestic violence on the premise that what has been learned can be un-learned (see Danis, 2003). The British Crime Survey, and annual survey of crime conducted in the UK, can be used to find prevalence data of domestic violence. Mirrlees-Black and Byron (1996) showed that, in 1996, around 4% of women interviewed admitted some form of domestic violence in the year previous to the survey, with women twice as likely as men to have been injured by a partner in the year previous to the survey. In addition, Mirrlees-Black and Byron (1996) found that 23% of women had experienced some form of domestic violence at some point in their lives, with those most at risk being the under 25s and those in financial difficulties. It was found that only half of the victims had reported the domestic violence, and of the half that had reported the domestic violence, this was to a friend of family, with police and medical staff being notified only in a small proportion of cases (Mirrlees-Black and Byron, 1996). Mirrlees-Black (1999) again used the British Crime Survey data to analyse the prevalence of domestic violence, finding that, similarly to the 1996 survey (Mirrlees-Black and Byron, 1996), around 4% of women reported some form of domestic violence in the year previous to the study, with women twice as likely as men to be the subject of domestic violence. Mirrlees-Black (1999) estimated that there were 6.6 million incidents of domestic violence in the year previous to the survey, with 2.9 million of these incidents involving actual physical injury. This survey (Mirrlees-Black, 1999) revealed that 12% of women had been assaulted on three or more occasions, which Mirrlees-Black referred to as chronic victims. Similarly to the 1996 survey (Mirrlees-Black and Byron, 1996), women under 25 were most likely to report domestic violence, with 34% of women in this category reporting some form of domestic violence, higher than in the previous, 1996, survey (Mirrlees-Black and Byron, 1996). In terms of the actual domestic violence perpetrated against these women, pushing, shoving and grabbing were the most common types of assault with injury occurring in 41% of the domestic violence episodes (Mirrlees-Black, 1999). Alarmingly, around a third of the women surveyed who reported domestic violence episodes revealed that their children had been aware of the last violent episode (Mirrlees-Black, 1999). In addition, chronic victims of domestic violence were usually the victims of more serious types of attack (Mirrlees-Black, 1999). Walby and Allen (2004) present the most recent survey of domestic violence using the British Crime Survey, showing that domestic violence is still widespread with 36% of women reporting some sort of domestic violence episode, although this figure represents concentrated episodes of chronic domestic violence and/or multiple episodes of domestic violence throughout their lives. The study found that 13% of women had experienced some form of domestic violence in the year prior to the survey (up from 4% in the 1999 survey reported by Mirrlees-Black (1999) and that for women subjected to domestic violence, the average number of domestic violence episodes per year was twenty (Walby and Allen, 2004). On this basis, Walby and Allen (2004) estimated that there had been 12.9 million domestic violence episodes in the year prior to the survey, up from 6.6 million in the 1999 survey (Mirrlees-Black, 1999). The 2004 survey also revealed that 2% of women who admitted domestic violence had been the s ubject of a serious sexual assault inside the home (Walby and Allen, 2004). Walby and Allen (2004) found that those women who lived in a household earning less than  £10,000 were three and a half more times likely to be the subject of domestic violence than a women in a household earning more than  £20,000, although it was admitted that the correlations between domestic violence and poverty are unclear. For example, poverty could be the cause of domestic violence, or could be the outcome of domestic violence, in that women who have fled domestic violence often end up living on low income (Walby and Allen, 2004). In terms of assessing the prevalence of domestic violence, studies have shown that it is difficult to provide a realistic estimate, in reality, as many women do not seek help and even when faced with medical professionals with whom they could speak, for example their GP’s, most women do not willingly discuss their problems (see, for example, Bonds et al., 2006). Indeed, research has shown (see, for example, Boyle and Jones, 2006) that women who are the subject of domestic violence frequently only disclose when healthcare staff directly enquire about this possibility, many of whom actively stated, when interviewed, that they do not ask about such matters so as not to offend the patient, even though evidence shows that women who are not the subject of domestic violence are unlikely to be offended by such a question (Boyle and Jones, 2006). One of the most comprehensive studies of the reported frequency of domestic violence against women has been reported by Bradley et al. (2002), who surveyed 1871 women attending general practice through a cross-sectional, self-administered anonymous survey. 40% of the women surveyed had, at some point in their lives, experienced domestic violence by a partner, with 12% of women reporting that their GP had approached them about possible domestic violence (Bradley et al., 2002). In addition, a worrying 69% of the women surveyed reported controlling behaviour from their partner, with 28% admitting to feeling afraid of their current partner (Bradley et al., 2002). Most of the women surveyed voiced support for routine enquiry about domestic violence as part of regular check-ups with their GP, suggesting one route for monitoring the presence of domestic violence in the community (Bradley et al., 2002). Elliott et al. (2002) suggested that better GP training in this issue would lead to highe r detection rates and better care for the victims of domestic violence. As Gerbert et al. (2002) suggest, other risk behaviours that were once considered taboo (such as HIV and alcohol and drug abuse) have been tackled, in that medical professionals routinely ask about such matters in consultations. It is thus not acceptable that domestic violence is not addressed in such a manner, given the high prevalence of this and the deleterious effects this can have on the victims and any children who are present in the household (Gerbert et al., 2002). It is suggested that it is a general lack of training that stops medical professionals from enquiring about such violence, and that the lower domestic violence screening rates, compared to the screening rates of other risk behaviours, may reflect the medical professionals beliefs that they do not know how to screen or intervene or their belief that such interventions may not be successful (Gerbert et al., 2002). It is suggested that screening rates can be improved by educating medical professionals as to the many b enefits that identifying domestic violence can bring to the victims (Gerbert et al., 2002). This section of the dissertation analyses the immediate and long-term impacts of domestic violence on children’s health, education, personality, socialising and future relationships. In terms of children’s exposure to domestic violence and maltreatment, Osofsyky (2003) looked at this issue in terms of prevention and intervention, showing that on the basis of available research, there is no doubt that huge numbers of children are being abused as part of the presence of domestic violence in the household, although the effects on children of this abuse, as a result of domestic violence, depends greatly on the child’s individual circumstances, on their additional risk factors and their susceptibility. Herrenkohl et al. (2008) reported similar results, showing a massive overlap in physical child abuse and domestic violence, which was especially prevalent in situations with other stressors, such as adverse socio-economic conditions, for example. Hartley (2002) also looked at this issue, and found that there is a substantial overlap between domestic violence and child maltreatment, finding that adverse socioeconomic factors were more likely to correlate with domestic violence and child neglect than with child abuse per se, although child abuse was present in a shockingly high number of cases, suggesting, as Osofsky (2002), that domestic violence goes hand-in-hand with child maltreatment, either through child neglect as a result of domestic violence or child abuse by the perpetrator of the violence as part and parcel of the domestic violence (Hartley, 2002). Hester and Pearson (1998) looked at domestic violence in the course of their work with abused children, finding that domestic violence was present in 70% of the cases of child abuse they dealt with, showing that the presence of domestic violence is a major factor in child abuse cases. It was suggested, as a result of this, that it might be useful to screen for domestic violence as routine practice, in terms of this being a possible predictor of child abuse, either current, in which case it could be identified and treated, or future, in which case, if the domestic violence is dealt with, might never occur. Gorin (2004) looked at understanding what children say about living with domestic violence, showing that children are often more aware of domestic violence than is realised, although they don’t often understand what is happening, nor why it is happening (Mullender et al., 2002). It was also reported that children worry about their parents more than is recognised, even though most children choose not to talk about this to anyone, and actively try to avoid the problem by distracting themselves physically and emotionally (Gorin, 2004). When asked about why they chose not to share their experiences with others, a fear of not being believed by professionals was the generally reported concern, with the fear that help will not be forthcoming when asked for being another commonly reported concern (Gorin, 2004). In addition, children report not having any idea of where they can go to get help, which stops them asking for help, although the majority of children affected by domestic viol ence reported that they long for someone to talk to about the violence, in terms of having someone to listen to them and to provide comfort and reassurance to them (Gorin, 2004). During the course of the research, it was found that children most asked for information to help them understand what was happening to their parents, and why they weren’t able to stop the violence (Gorin, 2004). In practical terms, this responsibility, of knowing about the violence but not being able to do anything to stop it, and feeling they do not have anywhere to turn to report the violence, can lead to many problems for the children. Children who have experienced domestic violence generally feel they have to be more responsible in the home than othert children, in terms of undertaking more practical tasks around the home, often as a way of trying to avoid the violence by pre-empting arguments, for example (Gorin, 2004). This responsibility, or knowing about the violence but feeling there is nothing that can be done about it, and the responsibility of taking on extra tasks, can lead to children developing sleep problems, being tired, and not paying as much attention as they need at school, leading to problems with their education (Gorin, 2004). Fantuzzo et al. (1997) looked at the effect of domestic violence on children, showing a myriad of adverse effects in children exposed to domestic violence, especially amongst those children who are already exposed to other risk factors such as drug abuse and/or adverse socioeconomic conditions. Fantuzzo and Mohr (1999) continued the work of Fantuzzo et al. (1997), looking at the effects of domestic violence on children, showing that domestic violence has many adverse effects on children, which are modified according to many factors, such as the child’s age, the nature of the violence, the severity of the violence and the existence of other risk factors in the children’s lives (such as poverty and substance abuse, for example), but which are, nonetheless severe. Childhood exposure to domestic violence can lead to aggressive behaviour, to increased emotional problems, such as the onset of depression and anxiety, to lower academic achievement and to lower levels of social skills (see Fantuzzo and Mohr, 1999). Baldry (2003) looked at bullying in schools following exposure to domestic violence, through a cross-sectional study of 1059 Italian school students using a self-report anonymous questionnaire. It was found that those children who had been subjected to domestic violence (i.e., interparental violence) were far more likely to bully whilst at school than those children who had never been subjected to any form of domestic violence, thus showing a direct negative effect of domestic violence on children’s behaviour (Baldry, 2003). Bauer et al. (2006) also looked at the relationship between bullying and intimate partner violence, through a self-report questionnaire of 112 children, and found, similarly to Baldry (2003) that children who had been exposed to intimate partner violence in a home setting were more at risk of developing physical aggression and internalised behaviours than children who had never experienced intimate partner violence in the home setting. Hall and Lynch (1998) looked at the lifelong effects of domestic violence on children, finding that separating the causes of domestic violence from its effects and from other correlated factors, such as poor parenting, poverty, substance abuse, for example, is difficult and that, as such, pinpointing the specific effects of domestic violence on children can be difficult. Hall and Lynch (1998) report, however, that children in violent households are three to nine times more likely to be injured and abused, either directly or in the course of trying to protect their parent. In addition, children from violent households are more likely to suffer a range of emotional and psychological problems, including self-harm, eating disorders, post-traumatic stress disorder and suicide, along with stress-related health complaints, such as insomnia and irritable bowel syndrome (Hall and Lynch, 1998). In addition, these behavioural and psychological problems can lead to other problems, such as involvement in violence and/or bullying (as seen, see Baldry, 2003 and Fantuzzo et al., 1997), educational failure and/or dropping out of, or being excluded from, school (Woodward et al., 1998) (Hall and Lynch, 1998). In addition, it has been found that if a mother decides to leave her partner and go in to a shelter for the victims of domestic violence, this can lead to the children feeling isolated from their previous friends and their established social networks, leading to further problems for these children who were already exposed to a high level of stress and emotional and psychological problems (Hall and Lynch, 1998). In addition, it is also known that being exposed to violence in the home can lead to juvenile crime, with many child victims of juvenile crime being the subject of youth criminal sentences (Hall and Lynch, 1998). In addition, the effects of domestic violence on children are long-lasting, with anti-social behaviour at the age of seven being highly correlated with violent behaviour towards partners in later life (Hall and Lynch, 1998), mediated, as has been seen, through the process of social learning theory (Bandura, 1973). Chapter 3: Protecting children from domestic violence This section of the dissertation addresses the issue of protecting children from domestic violence in terms of the child protection issues that need to be taken into consideration. As children suffer many and varied consequences of domestic violence, including direct child abuse by the perpetrator of the violence and indirect consequences of witnessing the violence, such as emotional, psychological and physical ill-health, the child protection issues that need to be taken in to consideration are many and varied. In those cases where child abuse is suspected, the child needs to be protected against this abuse. This could mean removing the child in to care, or working with the mother to encourage the mother to move, with the child, in to a refuge to avoid the domestic violence. The particular option chosen by social workers depends on the risks assessed in the particular situation. In terms of protecting children more generally, in terms of identifying possible negative effects on children from domestic violence, for example, all health professionals should be aware of the effects of domestic violence, and possible symptoms of domestic violence on children, which, if not physical, can be noted in the child’s behaviour. Medical professionals who come in to contact with children should be trained in detecting these signs of domestic violence in children, with adequate screening programmes in place to detect such signs and to enable children to deal with the problems that domestic violence presents to them, in terms of being given the opportunity, in a safe and confidential manner, to talk about what is happening in their household, how they feel about this, what problems this is presenting to them and what needs to be done about the situation. Children are perhaps more likely to want to talk to the school nurse, or to a GP than to any other professionals, as there is some previous relationship established and some form of trust that has already been built up (Hall and Lynch, 1998). It is essential that teaching about domestic violence be mandatory for all professionals involved in multi-agency teams dealing with child protection issues (see Hendry, 1999). This section of the dissertation presents a discussion of the role of the mother and why her socio-economic status and culture is important. Protecting the mother, in terms of protecting the child, is then discussed, in terms of whether, for example, it is best for children to live with both parents, even when there is domestic violence occurring. It has been found that there is a substantial overlap between domestic violence and child maltreatment (see Hartley, 2002), in that adverse socioeconomic factors are more likely to correlate with domestic violence and child neglect (including child abuse). Walby and Allen (2004) also found that those women who lived in a household earning less than  £10,000 were three and a half more times likely to be the subject of domestic violence than a women in a household earning more than  £20,000, although it was admitted that the correlations between domestic violence and poverty are unclear. For example, poverty could be the cause of domestic violence, or could be the outcome of domestic violence, in that women who have fled domestic violence often end up living on low income (Walby and Allen, 2004). Thus, whilst there are some correlations as to the socioeconomic status of the mother and the probability of being the subject of domestic violence, the links have not been researched fully and, as such, no causal relationships can be found. What is clear, however, is that where there is poverty, or perceived financial problems, there is more likely to be domestic violence, and that where there is domestic violence, there is likely to be some form of child neglect or child abuse also going on. Mothers, therefore, have a responsibility, within the framework of them being victims themselves, to their children, in terms of protecting them, as far as possible, from the violence. This is itself a complicated issue, however, as many women have nowhere to flee to when they leave a violent partner, meaning the women often end up in temporary refuges or low-standard rented accommodation, often outside of the area where their children go to school, often leading to further psychological problems for their children, who then feel isolated from their friends and support networks, which can lead to further emotional and psychological problems for these children (Gorin, 2004; Hall and Lynch, 1998). It is reported that the mother often stays in the household and subjects herself to domestic violence because of fear of what leaving the household would do to their children (see Nicolson et al., 2006). Hazen et al. (2006) looked at female care-givers experiences of domestic violence and behaviour problems in their children, finding that serious problems are faced by children when the mother is subjected to domestic violence, and that these children need to be helped as far as possible in terms of addressing the problems that these children face. If the mother decides not to leave the abusive partner, therefore, the mother has a responsibility to her child(ren) that she will ensure that they are treated as far as possible for these problems. Again, however, this is complicated by the fact that mothers often want to hide the fact that they are being abused from their children, and, as such, do not discuss this with their children. This is a fallacy, however, as shown by Gorin (2004), as children are often far more aware of what is happening than they are given credit for, and the untreated consequences of the domestic violence can lead to major future health and behaviour problems fo r children (see, for example, Hall and Lynch, 1998). The problems facing mothers who are the victims of domestic violence are many and varied. They are the subject of abuse themselves, which can leave them feeling ashamed and not willing to discuss this with anyone, not even their children. Their children, aware of what is going on, but unable to talk to their mothers then begin to develop problems, which – if the mother even recognises these problems are then not treated, as they are viewed, by the mother, as part and parcel of the same humiliating violence they are subject to. The effects of the violence are thus perpetrated, often with severe long-term consequences (Hall and Lynch, 1998). It will be argued, however, that is the responsibility of the mother to protect her child, as the child’s care-giver, against domestic violence and against the effects of domestic violence. However, this is not as straight-forward as it seems, for, in addition to the humiliation that women feel when being abused, there are also financial concerns about how the mother would support her child(ren) if she left the violent partner. Many women victims of domestic violence argue that subjecting their children to poverty is worse than having them witness domestic violence (Gorin, 2004) and so they stay with the partner who is violent towards them, subjecting their children to the range of emotional, psychological and physical health problems already discussed (see, for example, Hall and Lynch, 1998). Thus, the responsibility of a mother to protect her child(ren) against domestic violence and against the effects of domestic violence is a complicated issue. If there is child abuse present, it is obviously the mother’s responsibility to involve the police, and to ensure that the perpetrator is brought to justice, although, as has been seen, this is not as easy as it sounds, as women often have difficulty in approaching the police, witnessed by the low reporting rates of serious instances of criminal domestic violence to the police reported in Walby and Allen (2004). If, however, as has been seen, the violence is mainly directed against the mother, and the mother feels it is better for the sake of the children, on balance, to stay in the violent household, whilst the violence is only directed towards her, then that is the mother’s decision, as a balance between the effects of the domestic violence on the children and the potential effects of moving to a new place and living in worse conditions than their current conditions, and the further emotional and psychological problems this would present to the child(ren). If the mother makes the decision to stay with the violent partner as this is, on balance, the best option out of two possible sub-optimal options, then, in these situations, where the violence is not thought to be serious enough, by the victim, to warrant reporting or to warrant leaving the partner, even though the child(ren) is/are being affected by domestic violence, the question then becomes how to protect the mother, in order to ensure the best protection of the child. This question will be elaborated on in the next sections of the dissertation. Chapter 5: The multi-agency approach to child protection This section provides an analysis of the multi-agency approach to child protection, examining its advantages and disadvantages. The available services for children living with domestic violence are also discussed, as are the policy and legislation against domestic violence and pro child protection in the UK. Through this, the dissertation moves on to analyse the intervention strategies that are available to protect children, in terms of the extent to which prevention is possible and how. As shown by Mirrlees-Black (1999), only about half of the victims of domestic violence told someone about the violence, most likely to be a friend or relative, with the police being notified of an attack in only about 12% of the violent episodes reported in the survey. Medical staff were the next likely to hear about the domestic violence, in about 10% of the violent episodes reported, and were reported to have been more likely to offer help and advice than the police (Mirrlees-Black, 1999). Overall, Mirrlees-Black, (1999) found it more likely that the victims of serious attacks (i.e., those regarded as a crime) would report these attacks to the police, with those women who felt responsible in some way for the attack being less likely to report the attack, even if the attack was criminal in manifestation (Mirrlees-Black, 1999). There is, thus, a massive problem with reporting domestic violence, something that

Waterfront Revitalization and Cities

Waterfronts: being competitory by regenerating the cities†¦ . If merely it were that simple OutlineIntroduction:What is waterfront revival?Body:Purpose of waterfront revivalAdvantages of waterfront fightDisadvantages of waterfront fightDecisionCould Lebanese waterfronts come to a point to fall in the world-wide map of competitory waterfronts?Introduction:What is waterfront revival? Water was an of import natural resource in the growing of early colonies. By holding assorted characteristics -a defence component, a beginning for agricultural production and trade, a agency for transit and industrial uses- H2O offered many advantages for metropoliss. Therefore, locations that existed on water’s borders, particularly natural and protective seaports, became favourable sites for the foundation of ancient metropoliss. So, contrary to modern-day status, throughout the history, there was a close and incorporate water-city relation. The Waterfrontis the country of a town or a metropolis aboard a organic structure of H2O, normally waterfronts are meant to be the image of the city.. Waterfront revival has been the most singular urban development effort in the universe during the last two decennaries. Bruttomesso defines waterfront revival as a â€Å"genuine urban revolution† . ( Bruttomesso 1993, 10 ) Waterfronts had experienced the most extremist urban revival of twentieth century metropoliss by holding transmutation in their physical layout, map, usage and societal form. As most of the world’s large metropolis centres are located on water’s border, revival of waterfronts referred to downtown development. Waterfront revival emerges by and large in port metropoliss sing station industrial or post war passages, where the disused industrial and commercial infinites and installations on the waterfront undergo renovation into new mixed-use office and residential composites, and attach toing upscale retail services, leisure countries, and public comfortss. Sometimes the renovation involves gentrification and the transmutation of long standing blue-collar zones into in-between and upper income enclaves, occupied by a mix of occupant professionals and tourers.Body:As stated by Short, â€Å"What sells the metropolis is the image of the city.† ( Short 1996, 431 ) One of the grounds a metropolis should be revitalized is to heighten its image. City publicity and metropolis stigmatization About every metropolis now has a series of promotional booklets, postings and other cultural merchandises pass oning selective images of the metropolis as an attractive, hospitable and vivacious international metropolis in which to populate and work In fact, metropolis publicity has a long history as one of the basic tools to pull people and money, such as visitants, immigrants, houses and new investing, to metropoliss for economic development intents. Physical redevelopment and flagship developmentsPhysical environment provides the touchable footing of metropolis attraction. It non merely provides the basic functionality of a metropolis but besides gives it character. Superb physical environment is in itself an of import component in attraction, while physical decay and derelict land have badly damaging effects on it. In add-on, physical environment is expected to play an of import function in metropolis selling by supplying a material look to the metropolis images that metropolis stigmatization efforts to make. For illustration, the image of a metropolis as a â€Å"vibrant† and â€Å"cosmopolitan† topographic point that metropolis stigmatization is seeking to present can be realized in the physical signifier of the edifices and public topographic points that visitants encounter in the metropolis. Culture-led and event-driven urban regeneration Although cultural elements were sometimes included in public urban intercession, they have by and large been adopted basically as a public assistance service, in which the chief concern was to supply wider societal groups with entree to an artistic and cultural heritage, and chances to show themselves in the society, they are regarded as an effectual tool to hike urban touristry, which generates disbursement and creates occupations, in the hope that a significant figure of occupations would be created indirectly by cultural investing in the signifier of occupations that serve visitants and audiences in eating houses, stores and hotels. Another ground is the widely-perceived potency of cultural elements in heightening metropolis image and attraction. In fact, in many successful instances where considerable sweetening and betterment of metropolis image were achieved, alleged â€Å"culture-led† policies were a cardinal characteristic in the schemes. Behind this was a widely-shared premise that civilization possesses a strong pulling power over highly-skilled and originative workers, and that efforts to carry these people to turn up in certain metropoliss will be aided if they are associated with humanistic disciplines, civilization and amusement. Cultural substructure, such as theaters, museums, and galleries, acts as a powerful magnet for originative people by offering attractive lifestyle chances. In add-on to refashioning the urban image, revival of urban waterfronts is besides of import in the economic growing of metropoliss. This would set the metropolis on the world-wide competitory metropoliss map. But this does non come free from disadvantages: Though the cultural substructure is an indispensable key, some metropoliss end up by losing their historical individualities by over viing. Plus, an overly commercial-tourist maps could be besides an issue ; domination of these maps over residential and productive 1s are an of import hazard. Because, these countries are normally used a few hours a twenty-four hours and in the weekends. While about the undertaking country is done planning, in order to supply long term usage of this country should be besides added residential usage as an excess commercial-tourist. Plus the existent estate belongings value will increase dramatically which makes it impossible for low income individuals to take part in the metropolis and this would take to more societal class’s segregation.DecisionCould Lebanese waterfronts come to a point to fall in the world-wide map of competitory waterfronts? And to what extensions? The Lebanese waterfront has started to fall in the world-wide map of competitory metropoliss, particularly the metropolis of Beirut where the solidere planning of the metropolis, started to determine it with a new individuality and new ends: though the tests to restitute and to reconstruct parts of the architectural linguistic communication of the interior metropolis, the new waterfront aka the zaytoouna bay undertaking is presented as a new metropolis in Beirut, besides that a assorted sum of skyscrapers hitting the sky of Beirut which are someway different from its history, some of the old historical memorials are to be demolished and new edifice are to immerge. In my sentiment, metropoliss have to take for world-wide fight but on the other side, a metropolis should besides keep its historical face which besides helps in advancing the image of the metropolis. To be world-wide competitory, a metropolis must non wipe out its yesteryear and merely program futuristic and technologically powerful metropoliss, the history of metropolis along with it being modern-day can besides hike its economic system and take it to the fight. MentionsDalla Longa, R. ( 2010 ) .Globalization and Urban Implosion Creating New Competitive Advantage. Springer Heidelberg Dordrecht London New York.Krugman, P ( 1997 ) .Pop internationalism.The hand imperativeness, Cambridge, Massachusetts, London, England.Sakr, E ( 2012 ) .Waterfront City undertaking promises to make more occupations. Daily star ( 2012 ) retrieved on 4/5/2014 from:hypertext transfer protocol: //www.dailystar.com.lb/Business/Lebanon/2012/Feb-09/162704-waterfront-city-project-promises-to-create-more-jobs.ashx # ixzz2y0NW1lLPGiovinazzi, O. & A ; Moretti, M. ( 2010) .Port Cities and Urban Waterfront: Transformations and Opportunities. TeMALab Journal,Retrieved on: 05/05/2014 from: www.tema.unina.it ISSN 1970-9870 Vol 3 – SP – March ( 57 – 64 )

Liberal Government 1905-1914 Essay

The Liberal welfare reforms of 1906-1914 saw a remarkable change in government policy from a largely laissez-faire (a policy of non-intervention) approach to a more interventionist approach. The Liberal government, led by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman would do more in the way of social reform than any government before it, establishing an obligation to help the more vulnerable members of society who were not in a position to help themselves. Two social surveys were published at the beginning of the twentieth century which shook the people of Britain. They undoubtedly paved the way for a whole range of government led reforms. Charles Booth and Seebohm Rowntree, two very wealthy businessmen helped sponsor investigations in to the causes of poverty in Britain. Their findings were; up to 30% of the population of the cities were living in or below the poverty levels, conditions were so bad that people could not pull themselves out of poverty by their own actions. Both Rowntree and Booth agreed that the main causes of poverty were – illness, unemployment and age (the very young and very old) In 1908 Herbert Henry Asquith took over the Liberals and soon the wheels were set in motion in regards to the social reforms. Asquith would later promote two significant figures whose partnership was said to be the strength behind the reforms – Winston Churchill the young man in a hurry and David Lloyd George the Welsh wizard. There were many factors and motives for the reforms being passed, such as: National Security Concerns – During the war, one in three potential army recruits were refused on medical grounds. The government would have to do something to ensure basic health levels among working class men. Concerns Over National Efficiency – Britain’s position of being a world power was under threat from emerging powers such as Germany. In order to maintain its position it had to run smoothly with a strong, well educated work force. New Liberalism – The new liberals, Herbert Asquith, Winston Churchill and Lloyd George argued that in certain circumstances it was necessary to intervene in poor people’s lives to help with their social problems. Political Opportunism – The Liberals were scrutinised for their reforms as many historians thought their introduction was to gain a political advantage rather than helping the poor. The Liberals knew they had to gain support from the working class as they were competing with the newly-created Labour Party. Between 1906-1914 the Liberals focused on the following four groups in society – the old, the young, the sick and the unemployed. In 1908 old age pensions were introduced by Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lloyd George. It gave a pension of five shillings per week (25 pence) to persons over the age of 70 whose income was less than  £21 a year. Smaller amounts were paid to people with a slightly higher income. People who earned more than  £31.50 a year received no pension, along with individuals who failed to work or who had been in prison. The Act was seen as a step in the right direction; however it did not address all problems. Money received barely paid for basic necessities, financial help was needed long before the elderly reached pension age. More importantly very few working class people reached 70 during this period (life expectancy was just 45) From 1906 the â€Å"Children’s Chapter† allowed local authorities to provide free school meals for poor children. However it wasn’t until 1914 that school meals were made compulsory. In 1907, medical inspections were introduced but it was not until 1912 that free medical treatment was made available that the situation could be better. The reforms included age restrictions being put in place to make it harder for children to buy cigarettes and alcohol. Finally in 1908 juvenile courts and borstals were set up to replace the sending of young offenders to prison. The Liberal government introduced the National Insurance Act in 1911. For the first time, health insurance was provided for those who paid into the scheme. An employee would pay 4p each week, his employer paid 3p and the remaining 2p came from the state. However the workers wife and children did not benefit from the scheme no matter how sick they became. Further restrictions were that employees would only be paid for a maximum of 26 weeks for being off due to ill health or injury. The second part of the National Insurance Act dealt with unemployment. Insured workers were given 35p a week for a maximum of 15 weeks in a year if they became unemployed. Again the act only provided insurance for the employee and not his family. It was meant only for covering temporary unemployment and only applied to a small number of trades. The findings tell us that the Liberals made a remarkable change from a laissez-faire approach to a more interventionist approach. However the reform only made a small indentation into resolving the problems of poverty which faced the people of Britain in 1905-1914. The old age pension scheme paid out inadequate funds that barely paid for basic necessities, very few people ever reached the age of 70. Unemployment benefits were only provided to workers for short periods of time and did not include their family. Free school meals and medical inspections were introduced but very few local authorities were able to provide. Yes the government were willing to intervene to help the poor but the poor had to help themselves also. â€Å"If we see a drowning man we do not drag him to the shore. Instead, we provide help to allow him to swim ashore† – Winston Churchill

Global Warming A Simple Solution - 1876 Words

Global Warming: A Simple Solution In 2015, for my Composition 1 Class, I wrote an essay called Global Warming: The Solution in Our Hands. There, I made a revision on the global warming, causes, and solutions. One of the solutions reviewed was capturing CO2 and its storage, for a long period of time, through industrial plants, underground geological formations, oceans, or other materials in Antarctica. An industrial response can contribute to a great solution. However, years later, I understand that the solution must come from each of us. A solution should be practical, viable, and applicable. Despite popularity, the issue has garnered in recent years, it is important to make some distinctions. Global warming is associated with climate†¦show more content†¦Greenhouse Gases (GHGS) absorb part of the infrared solar radiation reflected by the Earth and as a result, it remains hot enough to make life on earth possible. However, the human being has altered the natural greenhouse effect, making it one of the most serious threats to sustainable development. In recent years, several human activities have caused the excessive emission of greenhouse gas, mainly carbon dioxide (CO2), which is responsible for nearly 50-60% of the global warming scheduled for the next few years (Maslin). In this way, we have exceeded the capacity of absorption of the Earth, which raises the heat retained in the Earth s surface and gradually increases the global temperature of the planet (Maslin). The Environment Program of the United Nations and the World Meteorological Organization created in 1988 the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), organization that has the responsibility to gather and check the scientific evidence on climate change for many years (Zedillo 13). According to Ernesto Zedillo, the IPCC in one assessment report found scientific proof about climate changes (13-14). Some regions such as Antarctica, small islands, and sub-Saharan Africa are more vulnerable to climate changes. Zedillo said, â€Å"Climate change will affect sustainable development, just as climate change itself is the result of unsustainable development† (14). The inabilities of human beings to live in harmony with the planet, as well as abuse ofShow MoreRelatedSimple Solutions to Global Warming1552 Words   |  7 PagesSimple Solutions to Global Warming Linda Hunt ITT Technical Institute Simple Solutions to Global Warming The most prominent concern that affects the environmental health of the world today is global warming. Although government agencies are making significant strides in providing solutions to global warming, the ultimate solution may lay in the hands of the individual citizens. Simple things, such as the way electricity is used in homes, the production of waste, and the choice of transportationRead More Solutions to Global Warming Essay1503 Words   |  7 Pagesco-workers. 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